Research Catalog

Title

Constraints on displacement : a phase-based approach / Gereon Müller.

Author

Müller, Gereon, 1964-

Publication

Amsterdam ; Philadelphia : John Benjamins Pub. Co., c2011.

Items in the Library & Off-site

Holdings

Details

Description

x, 339 p. : ill.; 25 cm.

Summary

This monograph sets out to derive the effects of standard constraints on displacement like the Minimal Link Condition (MLC) and the Condition on Extraction Domain (CED) from more basic principles in a minimalist approach. Assuming that movement via phase edges is possible only in the presence of edge features on phase heads, simple restrictions can be introduced on when such edge features can be inserted derivationally. The resulting system is shown to correctly predict MLC/CED effects (including certain exceptions, like intervention without c-command and melting). In addition, it derives oper.

Series Statement

Language faculty and beyond : internal and external variation in linguistics ; v. 7

Uniform Title

Language faculty and beyond ; v. 7.

Subject

• Grammar, Comparative and general > Syntax
• Principles and parameters (Linguistics)
• Generative grammar
• Minimalist program (Linguistik)

Bibliography (note)

• Includes bibliographical references and index.

Processing Action (note)

• committed to retain

Contents

• Machine generated contents note: What this book is about -- What this book is not about -- Overview -- Acknowledgments -- ch. 1 Locality constraints -- 1.Introduction -- 2.Constraint types -- 2.1.A taxonomy of constraint types -- 2.2.Local derivational constraints -- 2.3.Local representational constraints -- 2.4.Global constraints -- 2.5.Transderivational constraints -- 2.5.1.Fewest Steps -- 2.5.2.Shortest Paths -- 2.5.3.Merge before Move -- 2.5.4.Other transderivational constraints -- 2.6.Translocal constraints -- 2.7.Good constraints -- 3.Towards the (G)MLC and the CED -- 3.1.The A-over-A Principle -- 3.2.The F-over-F Principle -- 3.3.The Complex NP Constraint -- 3.4.The Sentential Subject Constraint -- 3.5.The Subject Condition -- 3.6.The Wh-Island Condition -- 3.7.The Superiority Condition -- 3.8.The (Generalized) Minimal Link Condition -- 3.9.The Clause Non-final Incomplete Constituent Constraint -- 3.10.The Post-Sentential Subject Extraction Constraint --
• Note continued: 3.11.The Condition on Extraction Domain -- 3.12.Relativized Minimality -- 3.13.Conclusion -- ch. 2 (G)MLC and CED in minimalist syntax -- 1.Introduction -- 2.The (Generalized) Minimal Link Condition: State of the art -- 2.1.Overview -- 2.2.Empirical arguments against the (G)MLC -- 2.2.1.Argument crossing -- 2.2.2.Intervention without c-command or dominance -- 2.3.Conceptual arguments against the (G)MLC -- 2.3.1.The standard approach -- 2.3.2.Weak and strong representationality -- 2.3.3.A redundancy -- 3.The Condition on Extraction Domain: State of the art -- 3.1.Overview -- 3.2.Problems with the CED -- 3.3.Elementary operations -- 3.3.1.Merge in Sabel (2002) -- 3.3.2.Agree in Rackowski & Richards (200) -- 3.4.Spell-out -- 3.4.1.Cyclic spell-out: Uriagereka (1999), Nunes & Uriagereka (2000), Nunes (2004) -- 3.4.2.Remuneration: Johnson (2003) -- 3.4.3.Late adjunct insertion: Stepanov (2007) -- 3.5.Freezing --
• Note continued: 3.5.1.Freezing and head movement: Kitahara (1994) -- 3.5.2.Freezing and Chain Uniformity: Takahashi (1994), Stepanov (2007) -- 3.5.3.Phi-completeness: Boeckx (2003) -- 3.5.4.Criterial Freezing: Rizzi (2006, 2007) -- 3.5.5.Phase sliding: Gallego & Uriagereka (2006) -- 3.5.6.Freezing analyses: Conclusion -- 3.6.General remarks -- 4.Locality constraints: State of the art -- 4.1.Conclusion -- 4.2.Interlude: Islands in HPSG -- 4.2.1.SLASH features in GPSG -- 4.2.2.Displacement in HPSG -- 4.2.3.Islands in HPSG -- 4.2.4.Recent developments: Competence vs. performance -- 4.3.Outlook -- ch. 3 On deriving (G)MLC effects from the PIC -- 1.Introduction -- 2.Assumptions -- 2.1.Basic assumptions -- 2.2.All syntactic operations are feature-driven -- 2.3.All phrases are phases -- 2.4.The Edge Feature Condition -- 3.Deriving the (Generalized) Minimal Link Condition -- 3.1.Superiority effects in English -- 3.1.1.Standard cases -- 3.1.2.Double object constructions --
• Note continued: 3.2.Lack of superiority effects in German -- 3.3.Superiority effects with long-distance movement in German -- 3.4.Superiority effects with subject raising in German -- 3.5.Superiority effects with scrambling from wh-XP in German -- 4.Intervention effects that do not follow from the (G)MLC -- 4.1.Long-distance intervention without c-command in German -- 4.2.Clause-bound intervention without c-command in English -- 5.Some refinements -- 5.1.Multiple C[wh] domains and intervention -- 5.2.D-linking and intervention -- 6.Scope of the account -- 6.1.(G)MLC vs. PIC -- 6.2.Dominance-based intervention and the PIC-based approach -- 6.2.1.One landing site -- 6.2.2.Two landing sites -- 7.Conclusion -- 7.1.Main results -- 7.2.Core assumptions reconsidered -- 7.3.Some consequences -- ch. 4 On deriving CED effects from the PIC -- 1.Introduction -- 2.Assumptions -- 2.1.All syntactic operations are feature-driven --
• Note continued: 2.2.Operation-inducing features on lexical items are ordered -- 2.3.All phrases are phases -- 2.4.Edge feature insertion -- 3.Deriving the condition on extraction domain -- 3.1.Merge -- 3.1.1.The analysis -- 3.1.2.Specifiers -- 3.1.3.Complements -- 3.1.4.The Intermediate Step Corollary -- 3.1.5.Data -- 3.2.Agree -- 3.2.1.Extraction from complements reconsidered -- 3.2.2.Abstract incorporation as head movement -- 3.2.3.Abstract incorporation as Agree -- 3.2.4.Transparent last-merged complements -- 3.2.5.Movement of last-merged complements -- 3.2.6.Transparent non-last-merged specifiers and complements -- 4.Freezing -- 4.1.Freezing effects -- 4.2.Predictions of the analysis so far -- 4.3.Deriving the Freezing Generalization -- 5.Melting -- 5.1.Melting effects with scrambling in German -- 5.2.Melting effects with scrambling in Czech -- 5.3.Further issues -- 6.Outlook and conclusion -- 6.1.Outlook -- 6.2.Core assumptions reconsidered --
• Note continued: 7.Appendix: Movement-related morphology -- 7.1.Background -- 7.2.Pseudo-melting in last-merged complements? -- 7.3.Movement-related morphology -- 7.3.1.Hypothesis -- 7.3.2.Complementizer selection in Modern Irish -- 7.3.3.MeN-deletion in Malay -- 7.3.4.Complementizer selection in Kinande -- 7.4.Conclusion -- ch. 5 Operator island effects -- 1.Introduction -- 2.Background -- 2.1.Operator islands without intervention -- 2.2.A Tree Adjoining Grammar approach -- 2.3.An optimality-theoretic approach -- 3.Assumptions -- 3.1.The Intermediate Step Corollary -- 3.2.Maraudage -- 4.Wh-islands and topic islands -- 5.Analysis: Operator islands as maraudage -- 5.1.Wh-movement from a wh-island -- 5.2.Topicalization from a wh-island -- 5.3.Wh-movement from a topic island -- 5.4.Topicalization from a topic island -- 6.Conclusion, consequences, and extensions -- 6.1.Conclusion -- 6.2.Consequences -- 6.2.1.Multiple movement -- 6.2.2.`Whether'-clauses --
• Note continued: 6.2.3.Underspecification and overspecification -- 6.3.Extensions -- ch. 6 Movement from verb-second clauses -- 1.Introduction -- 2.The problem -- 2.1.Data -- 2.2.Analyses -- 3.Staudacher's (1990) approach -- 4.CED effects: A phase-based approach -- 5.Verb-second by reprojection -- 6.A PIC-based approach -- 6.1.Extraction from last-merged clausal complements -- 6.2.Extraction from `dass' clauses -- 6.3.Extraction from verb-second clauses -- 7.Some further issues -- 7.1.Periphrastic verbs forms -- 7.2.Extraposition -- 7.3.Bridge verbs -- ch. 7 Island repair by ellipsis -- 1.Introduction -- 2.The problem -- 2.1.Data -- 2.2.A standard analysis -- 3.Deletion by phase -- 4.A PIC-based approach -- 4.1.Analysis -- 4.2.Extraction from Specv without VP deletion -- 4.3.Extraction from Specv in sluicing constructions -- 4.4.[[†]] Discharge and the Strict Cycle Condition -- 5.Some further issues -- 5.1.Island types -- 5.2.VP ellipsis --
• Note continued: 5.3.Spreading of [[†]].

ISBN

• 9789027208248 (alk. paper)
• 9027208247 (alk. paper)
• 9789027284082 (eb)
• 9027284083 (eb)

LCCN

^^2011033760

OCLC

• 747385691
• SCSB-12783473

Owning Institutions

Harvard Library